The Minnesota Senate was in session that morning in April when about a dozen stern-faced Veterans of Foreign Wars members, their service caps scrunched on their heads, asked Sen. John Marty to step outside the chamber and meet with them.
When he did, they demanded the return of a U.S. flag the VFW had given him two years before and which he displayed in his Capitol office.
Eight days earlier, Marty had voted against a seemingly innocuous resolution asking Congress to make flag burning a crime. The resolution was not binding on Congress, and 51 of Marty's colleagues, for various reasons, took the politically safe course and voted for it.
Marty explained to the vets that outlawing flag burning as a form of political protest would be a restriction on free speech. That's an assault on the very Bill of Rights that Americans fought and died for, he told them.
They were unmoved and insistent. Marty finally told his staff to give them the flag.
Marty was a declared candidate for governor at the time and knew his vote could come back to haunt him. "I'm perfectly clear how hot that issue was," he said recently.
Still, the 37-year-old senator from Roseville said he did what he considered to be the right thing, the correct thing, the principled thing, even if it was not the politically safe thing.
That's a trademark with Marty, one that helped him win party endorsement in June and one that supporters hope will catapult him into the governor's office.
But it is also a characteristic that detractors contend makes him an unlikely and unelectable candidate.
His refusal to take the practical path, his go-against-the-flow record in the Senate, his upfront call for a significant tax increase on the wealthiest and his self-imposed limit on campaign contributions may attest to his character and vision, but they also are considered political liabilities that prompted four of his fellow DFL senators to consider running against him in the primary.
"There was a sense that I was very easy to beat," Marty said. The senators eventually shed any plans to go after Marty in the Sept. 13 primary, although he does face three other DFL challengers: Mike Hatch, an attorney and former state commerce commissioner, Tony Bouza, a former Minneapolis police chief and state gaming commissioner, and Richard T. Van Bergen, a supporter of conspiracy theorist Lyndon La Rouche.
Marty has been in the Senate since 1987, when he defeated Bob Fletcher, a former St. Paul City Council member. He gained a reputation as a good government guy who wanted to change the system of which he is a part.
In 1993, Marty forced through a campaign-financing reform act that curtailed legislative fund-raisers, the shakedown get-togethers when lobbyists and fat cats are expected to contribute to legislators' campaigns.
The law also drastically reduced the size of individual contributions for governor races, directly affecting this year's election.
This year, Marty sponsored and passed ethics legislation that bans lobbyists and others from giving anything of value - even a simple meal - to legislators. For all practical purposes, legislators and most other public officials now must do what common folk do - pay their own way.
The legislation did not endear Marty to many colleagues, some of whom view him as a sanctimonious idealist. They grumbled openly that Marty's campaign reform and ethics bills cut off their freebies and eliminated large sums of money that helped ensure their incumbency.
"I like being popular. I like getting along with my colleagues. But I didn't get elected to be everybody's best buddy at the Capitol," Marty said.
Marty is seen in some quarters as unbending, a purist. If politics is the art of compromise, Marty would not be considered an artist.
"He's an honest man, a man of integrity," said Sen. Dean Johnson, the Independent-Republican minority leader from Willmar. But Marty is also naive, Johnson said. Someone running for governor would not have voted against the flag resolution, said Johnson, a colonel in the Minnesota Army National Guard.
Fellow DFLers have similar reservations. "Nobody argues that he is a nice person and has talent," said Sen. Steven Novak, DFL-New Brighton. "But he has sort of walked to his own drummer, and his life experiences have been rather limited professionally."
Marty, obviously, does not see it that way. He is forthright and candid, not naive, he says. "That's exactly what the public wants. . . . The goal should be to do the right thing."
So he votes against flag-burning resolutions, explaining, "If I'm going to deceive my constituents on a small thing, what's going to stop me from deceiving constituents on a big thing?"
Marty has put more than 45,000 miles on his 1988 Chevy Nova since he hit the campaign trail more than a year ago.
In the process he has developed a herniated disc in his back. He moves in and out of cars in obvious pain and travels with a flexible cushion for the small of his back and a board to sit on.
He has spruced up his appearance at the suggestion of his staff and his wife, Connie.
"I used to just iron the fronts of my shirt," he said. "I figured I wear a coat most of the time. Why bother with the backs?"
Connie Marty bought him some new shirts and some ties that fast-forwarded his neckwear into the '90s. He even sends some shirts to the dry cleaner's these days.
He looks younger than his 37 years, prompting some people to ask if he is old enough to be governor. To counter that, a campaign staffer researched the age of governors. Since statehood, Minnesota has had six governors who were 37 or younger when elected.
His campaign message revolves around three major themes: economic justice, the prevention of future social problems by spending now on preventive programs and rebuilding public trust in government by taking big money out of politics.
Economic justice, to Marty, means a higher minimum wage, a shift from property taxes to income taxes to fund education and a government-paid health care system with universal coverage.
"I watched my mother die of cancer, and she had the best of care. I don't want to see any woman not get a biopsy for breast cancer just because she can't afford health insurance," he told delegates at the state DFL convention.
Marty is the only candidate running for governor in either party who openly espouses a tax increase, although he contends that other candidates' programs would require raising taxes.
Marty would impose a 4 percent tax increase on the wealthiest taxpayers in Minnesota, two-income families earning more than $100,000 in taxable income.
The increase would raise about $300 million a year and fund what Marty calls "investments." The investments would be social programs that he asserts are needed to fend off future social problems that will cost much more to solve later.
They include a nutritional program for infants and children, Head Start, family planning, more day-care subsidies, domestic abuse services for battered women, small-business subsidies and screening programs to detect juveniles in need of mental health and chemical dependency help.
"I don't want to soak anybody, but it is gross fiscal irresponsibility to ignore funding programs that can save in the long run. . . .
"My opponents are going to paint me as a radical," he said of his spending proposals. "I'm a very cautious person. I'm saying some things just make sense.
"I'm saying let's not look at 1994 in isolation. I happen to believe an ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure. I refuse to cut a program this year when that cut is going to cost us more in [social costs] in three years.
"My message isn't always an easy one. I think it's an honest one. . . . I think the public is willing to buy it."
If the public is willing to buy it, does the campaign have the bucks to promote and sell it?
More than any other legislator, Marty is responsible for the 1993 change that restricts the amount of money that can be spent on political campaigns. A gubernatorial candidate can accept no more than $2,000 per individual; the old limit was $60,000.
Marty went further. In an act of financial bondage, he committed himself to a $100 limit and is rejecting money from lobbyists and political action committees.
"It's not the easy way. It's the right way," he said. Certainly it's the hard way. It reduces by 95 percent the amount of each potential maximum donation.
When Marty called on other candidates to turn back contributions of more than $100, there were no takers. He alone is stuck with the artificial limit.
Rick Stafford, the DFL Party chair, says the $100 limit puts Marty "somewhat at a disadvantage . . . but it shows a strength of character." Can he win with that limit? "It's going to be tough," Stafford said.
Marty is trying to use it to his advantage, portraying himself as the lone candidate with no ties to special interests.
"We think it's a real easy message to communicate," said Bob Meek, Marty's campaign manager. "Having made that decision, you're not going to run a Fort Knox campaign."
Rumors have circulated in the past two weeks that Marty's campaign is nearly broke. Meek has done little to snuff the notion, partly, he said, because it helps generate contributions. The campaign has raised more than $400,000 so far.
That is not enough to afford early television advertising or polling, Meek said. This week, Marty radio ads hit 69 stations across the state, the lower priced option.
A $100,000 TV advertising binge will mark the final days before the primary, Meek said.
Like Paul Wellstone's successful U.S. Senate campaign in 1990, the Marty effort is counting on massive volunteer support, an exhaustive get-out-the-vote drive and the help of dozens of labor and environmental groups that have endorsed him.
In some circles, Marty's father is better known than the senator-son. The Rev. Martin Marty is a renowned Lutheran theologian, a teacher at the University of Chicago Divinity School and author of about 40 books.
Marty was born in suburban Chicago and grew up in the early days of the civil rights movement.
"They [his father and deceased mother] were very active in the civil rights movement and antipoverty things and taught me a deep sense of right and wrong. . . . I picked up a lot of that," Marty said.
Marty remembers that he, his parents and three brothers were the only whites at a conference of black ministers in Virginia when he was 6. He was introduced there to the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.
His earliest ambition was to play in the six-team National Hockey League. With a slapshot that was wanting and a body that was less than mesomorphic, he explored other options.
For a while, he considered becoming a minister because so many were on the leading edge of the civil rights movement in the 1960s and 1970s.
In 1974, Marty enrolled at St. Olaf College in Northfield, where he received a bachelor's degree in a program called Ethics and Society, graduating in 1978.
He went to work for the state DFL Party, learning the basics of political organizing. Two years later he was hired by the Minnesota House as a researcher and later as a top aide for the Criminal Justice Committee. He was grant administrator for Lutheran Brotherhood Insurance Co. from 1984 to 1986, his sole time in the private sector.
And then, at age 30, he ran for the Senate in what was considered a losing cause. With his boyish face and unpretentious manner, he entered the Senate chamber looking more like a page than a member. And since then, he's been doing what he believes is right, no matter whom it annoys or offends or infuriates.
In June, weeks after the VFW flag had been taken from him, another group of veterans presented Marty with a flag. "They said they were glad I had the courage to stand up for what the flag means," he said.
Crime: Should cities or the state place additional restrictions on the purchase of handguns? Would you support legislation authorizing capital punishment?
"Reasonable gun laws will not interfere with the rights of sportsmen and women." Believes cities in the metro area should be allowed to pass stricter gun control laws. Believes those convicted of felonies and violent crimes should not be allowed to have guns. Opposes the death penalty "because of its extreme cost, its discriminatory application and because, historically, innocent people have been wrongly executed. The death penalty does not serve as a deterrent to crime."
Jobs: What steps would you take to create more and better jobs? What would you do to address the growing disparity between the affluent and the working poor?
Would push for improving quality of education. Would recruit new business and help existing businesses grow to create good-paying jobs. Would write an economic development strategy, "one that helps reduce the burdens facing business such as workers compensation and overly complex government regulation." To reduce the disparity between wealthy and the workiung poor, would "Minnesota needs affordable universal health care coverage, a higher minimum wage, affordable child care, stronger collective bargaining laws, and a fair tax system that is based on ability to pay."
Gambling: In your view, does Minnesota have enough forms of gambling, or would you support off-track betting and video gaming in bars?
Supports a moratorium on the expansion of gambling. Believes the state should not use public funds to promote gambling through lottery advertising. Wants to expand treatment of compulsive gamblers with money coming from casinos. Families
What ideas do you have for making day care more accessible and affordable, and for strengthening families?
Proposes child care subsidies for working poor.
Taxes: State and local governments in Minnesota spend about 21 percent of personal income. What will happen to that figure under your administration? Should Minnesota's tax structure be more progressive, placing higher taxes on the rich than the poor?
Wants to reduce the 21 percent figure, but in the short-term believes "we will need some additional dollars for crime prevention, welfare reform, and other such efforts" to reduce costs in the long-term. "If there is need for additional revenue, it should come from the most able to afford it, the wealthiest Minnesotans who currently pay a lower percentage of their income in state and local taxes than middle- and lower-income households." Believes existing property tax system puts unfair burden on small business, working poor, farmers and elderly.
Education: Would you move forward on the initiative to establish an outcome-based education system in the state? Would you reduce schools' reliance on property taxes? If so, what revenue source would you propose? How would you make tuition at Minnesota public colleges and universities more affordable?
"I support the idea of requiring students to master certain material before graduating and believe that a comprehensive graduation rule is appropriate." Wants to move away from property taxes supporting schools because of the disparities in funding. Proposes a "progressive" state income tax that would require the wealthy to pay more, the poor to pay less. Believes state needs to increase funding for higher education.
Agriculture: Would you favor stricter controls on runoff of agricultural fertilizers and pesticides?
Would push "food education efforts" to ensure that farmers follow best management practices for use of fertilizer and pesticide use. Would regulate manure disposal practices for large livestock operations and encourage sustainable agriculture.
Abortion: Should the state's existing laws on abortion be changed? Do you favor requiring a 24-hour waiting period before a woman can get an abortion?
"I am pro-choice, not pro-abortion." Does not favor 24-hour waiting period because it penalizes outstate women.
Corporate aid: Should the state provide financial assistance to companies such as Northwest Airlines and the Minnesota Timberwolves to guarantee employment or to keep them from moving?
Voted against the Northwest Airlines deal and Target Center buyout in the Senate. Believes state should have a pro-active economic development strategy rather than a reactive strategy that "uses large amounts of tax dollars in bail out packages that often benefit a handful of very wealthy individuals much more them they benefit employees or taxpayers."
Health care: If Minnesota keeps moving forward with its own universal health care program, rather than waiting for the federal government, how would you fund it?
Believes state should establish a "single-payer system" with universal coverage, cost-containment and high quality care its goals. "It saves money currently wasted on unnecessary paperwork, redundant delivery systems, and wasteful bureaucracy."
Welfare: How would you change the state's welfare system, if at all? "Good jobs are the best welfare reform," but believes affordable child care, universal health care and a decent minimum wage are the only ways people can be moved off welfare. Would reinstate state MEED program that provides subsidies to businesses that hire welfare recipients.
Leadership: What special qualities of leadership do you bring to the office you are seeking?
"My campaign is dedicated to taking big money out of politics and putting concerns of people back in. I am the only candidate for governor to refuse contributions from all lobbyist and political action committees and to limit all other contributions to $100 or less. I have the ability to address the public cynicism and to restore public confidence by taking big money out of politics ... Throughout my years at the Senate, I have shown the willingness to take political heat - to not jump on the bandwagon of the most popular issue, but rather to make the tough decisions necessary for long-term improvement. I have frequently been criticized as unelectable because I am willing to talk honestly about difficult issues. However, I have always believed that it is important to give voters a rational choice, and I have confidence they are interested in long-term savings rather than easy answers. They are eager for leadership. I have show my willingness to take on the status quo and seek reforms in the political system."